Pakistan–Saudi Accord and the Emerging Regional Order

Flags of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia highlighting defence cooperation and Gulf power shifts
Islamabad:  Rising tobacco and nicotine use among Pakistan’s youth, especially around educational institutions, emerged as the central concern at a national review session on tobacco control held by the Aurat Foundation in Islamabad. Participants from Parliament, government departments, health organizations, and civil society warned that easy availability of cigarettes, vapes, nicotine pouches, and flavored tobacco near schools is creating a growing public health threat. The discussion also pointed to a noticeable increase in tobacco use among women, indicating a shifting trend. The session called for stronger legislation, faster policy action, and strict enforcement to counter the rapid spread of emerging nicotine products. Speakers emphasized that existing laws remain poorly implemented due to procedural delays, weak monitoring, and limited coordination between federal and provincial bodies. The need for clear parental awareness, community engagement, and better recognition of new nicotine products was highlighted as an essential part of early prevention. Officials noted that families and schools often remain unaware of modern products marketed to young people. Technical briefings identified major enforcement gaps and policy loopholes that allow the tobacco industry to expand its reach. Participants noted that companies are increasingly using social media trends, entertainment content, and youth-focused marketing to promote vaping in urban areas. Government representatives reaffirmed ongoing federal efforts to implement the Prohibition of Smoking and Protection of Non-Smokers Health Ordinance 2002 and to tighten regulations where required. Provincial representatives also announced plans to introduce new resolutions to strengthen tobacco control. Education sector officials raised alarms over the rise of nicotine products around private institutions and called for tougher regulatory checks. Regulatory authorities stressed the need for a broader social movement to counter tobacco use nationwide. Closing the event, the Aurat Foundation reiterated its commitment to evidence-based advocacy, cross-sector collaboration, and long-term public awareness initiatives aimed at building a healthier, tobacco-free society.

By Mansoor Qaisrani

The recent defence cooperation agreement between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia marks a significant development in the politics of the Gulf. While framed as a bilateral arrangement, the accord reflects broader shifts in the global order, with China quietly positioned as an important actor.

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The agreement was not reached overnight. It followed a year of careful preparation. For decades, Riyadh placed its security almost entirely in American hands. That reliance weakened when the Israeli strike on Doha was met with a muted response from Washington. For Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the incident raised an unavoidable question: can the United States still be trusted as a permanent guarantor of security despite enormous investment and repeated concessions?

International reporting, including in the Financial Times, confirms that Riyadh informed Washington only after the deal was signed. That such talks remained outside American awareness for an entire year is remarkable.

Saudi Arabia’s two central demands from Washington had long remained unmet. It sought either a formal security treaty similar to those binding the United States with South Korea and Japan, or access to nuclear capability. Both requests were declined. Finding no progress, Riyadh turned to alternatives. In that search, Pakistan and China emerged as natural partners.

Here Islamabad plays a distinctive role. Beijing cannot openly form a military alliance with Riyadh, but Pakistan can serve as the bridge. Already a close partner of China, Pakistan also possesses nuclear capability and battle-tested military experience. For the first time, Gulf security is being linked with Eastern powers, and Pakistan has become the connecting point.

There is also a dimension that goes beyond geopolitics. For Pakistani soldiers, the defence of Saudi Arabia is not limited to borders and terrain. It carries spiritual weight rooted in the sanctity of Makkah and Madinah. This factor deepens their commitment beyond financial terms and sets Pakistan apart from other possible allies.

The effects of the accord are likely to ripple across the Gulf. The United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Oman may reassess their own security policies. Equally, it sends a clear message to Washington: the era of its uncontested dominance in the Gulf is losing ground.

For India, the development is troubling. Since May, Pakistan has been repositioning itself where diplomacy, military capacity, and financial opportunity converge. The agreement is therefore not only about defence; it represents a new dimension in Pakistan’s international profile.

Yet the greater challenge lies within Pakistan. Can this strategic success be translated into stability at home? Structural flaws in the economy, a fragile tax base, and institutional weaknesses continue to obstruct progress. Without reforms and long-term policies, reliance on external arrangements will provide only temporary relief.

The accord must be seen as an opportunity rather than an end in itself. It is not only about weapons or financial flows. It signals shifting regional dynamics, new priorities of global powers, and a rare opening for Pakistan. Real success will come only if this opportunity is tied to economic reform, political unity, and a coherent national strategy. If pursued wisely, the agreement can strengthen Pakistan’s defence and enhance its credibility abroad.

It is important to recall that Washington kept Riyadh waiting for years with vague promises. The Doha episode became a decisive moment for the Saudi leadership, which turned to new partners after concluding that reliance on assurances alone was no longer viable. In this context, the Pakistan–Saudi understanding must be read as part of a trilateral arrangement involving China as well. It is not a solo act by Islamabad.

A note of caution is necessary. Should Washington express displeasure, the reaction may come in familiar forms. Human rights debates, largely dormant in recent years, may suddenly return to prominence. Political actors may find new international support. Streets may once again become restive. Even imprisoned leaders could find room to re-emerge. For the present, this scenario seems distant, but it cannot be excluded.

Pakistan today stands at a delicate juncture. The agreement with Saudi Arabia is a reminder that the global order is undergoing change. With careful policy and national unity, Islamabad can convert this moment into a strategic and economic opportunity of lasting value.

Mansoor Qaisrani writes on foreign policy, sociology, judiciary and defence. He works as a researcher, investigative journalist, and media strategist.

Also read: Premier Shehbaz Proposes Arab-Islamic Task Force To Hold Israel Accountable

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