By Meer Hazar Mazari
Former Prime Minister of Pakistan Mian Nawaz Sharif’s return to Pakistan and paving the political path for him is a question mark on Pakistani institutions. On the other hand, other mainstream political parties such as Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) are demanding a level playing field while accusing the institutions of bias. However, PPP was the main coalition party of PML-N in the previous PDM government. Today, it is deprived of the patronage of institutions.
Many of tribal chiefs-cum-electables from Balochistan announced to join PML-N during Nawaz Sharif’s visit to Quetta on 13, 14 November 2023. These were the electables who had been their most crucial allies in previous governments. Most of the electables were representatives of the Balochistan Awami Party (BAP). BAP, which established few months before the 2018 general elections, formed government in Balochistan in the same year. One can guess the political trajectory of the party by how popular it must have been with the masses.
In fact, this oligarchic class of Balochistan has completely cut off the people of Balochistan from the federation. This is a class that had created by British colonialist to legalize its authority and form a state. Perior to the British rule in subcontinent, they were only the chief of their own tribes(first among equal) who were later able to get concessions and lands in return for their loyalty to the British government. In this way, a specific feudal class came into existence which remained dominant on the political landscape of Pakistan even post-independence. The policy of the British government was to rule over the entire tribe by granting concession and privilege to only single tribal chief.
During the colonial rule, a Baloch chief (Tumandar-Nawab-Sardar) received tributes in two ways, one from his master, the British Indian government, and the other from his tribe (Baloch Raj) in the form of tribute. That is, according to the so-called Baloch traditions, the tribe used to give a portion of its earnings to the head of the tribe. These privileges were extended to the subjects in exceptional circumstances such as war like situations or a gladfulness occasion. Even today, these traditions are still established in some places of Baloch areas to deal with unusual situations.
No doubt, For this purpose, administrator like Robert Sandman and Jhon Jacob were worthy notable for British government who implemented the policy of “Carrot and Stick” in Baloch peripheries. In addition to it, these tribal chiefs continued to play the role of a bridge between the British government and their people.
Beginning from Khan of Kalat, almost all the chieftains of Balochistan continued to receive concessions from the British government. These chieftains continued to crush the rebellions against the British government. Ghulam Hussain Masuri, Bugti a anonymous freedom fighter whom from our young generation is not familiar today. Bugti was killed along with his several tribesmen in the battle of Harand, Rajanpur in January 1867. He had been not defeated by British military rather Baloch triable militia (Commanded by trible chief-sardar) which had been defending British government in exchange of political patronage and privileges.
The nexus of Baloch Sardars and British government more strengthen. Sardar consolidated political power by extracting economic capital by exploitation of the people. Till today Baloch people is under the influence of this political structure. The British government maintained the same system in areas, where Baloch tribalism was strong which includes Northern Sindh, Dera Ghazi Khan and today’s Balochistan obvious one. These areas were dominated by Baloch trible structure, the chieftains were also given various titles by the British government, in which, apart from Nawab and Tumandar, some of the chieftains were also the members of the ‘Imperial Legislative Council’. Large estates and lands were granted to them. Each Sardar committed to provid tribal army in the defense of British government according to his capacity.
Unfortunately, even today, the mainstream political parties either PML-N, PTI or PPP deals with the Baloch masses in the same colonial political mindset. No one bother or consider the general will of the masses of Balochistan. Even, Baloch youth is frustrated by Baloch political oligarchy who are the reflection of State policies. Mainstream leadership does not engage with the masses of Baloch peripheries rather they rely on feudal electable. How one can believe that next government will overcome deprivation of the masses. However, successive government would be answerable to only the electable not general public.
The people of Balochistan have been facing socio-economic hurdles. Balochistan is burning under the shed of terrorism. People are holding massive rallies and marches for their basic rights. “Gwadar Haq Do Tehreek” was one of a massive movement. Interestingly, Baloch women are in the front line in these rallies. On the other hand, the plight of South Punjab is worth mentioning. Feudal politicians used to change their parties over night. Their intention is not on factual issue of the masses rather they care more about upcoming five years.
The people of South Punjab have been demanding a separate province, but every successive government reneges on the promise made to the masses. In the general elections of 2013, most of the politicians of South Punjab were in camp of PML-N. However, in 2018 they were in the camp of PTI. Now, they are finding a way either to join PPP or PML-N. Middle class educated youth of these peripheries frustrated and hopeless by this dirty power politics, which sided their real issues.
However, In this way, the political general will of masses is missing. Indeed, the group of electable is not real representative of masses. In this situation, can the people of Pakistan today and particularly the Baloch expect from upcoming government that all their problems will be resolved. Is there any guarantee that the country’s economic and political challenges will be resolved? Is it crucial for youth to find an alternative political way forward?
(The Writer is an MPhil scholar from Quaid e Azam University, Islamabad. He can be reached at meerhazarmazari088@gmail.com)
